Category: history

  • Newswire: A History Of The Racist Rebranding Of Watermelon In The US

    Newswire: A History Of The Racist Rebranding Of Watermelon In The US

    By Nicky Childers, NewsOne

    Dear reader, please feel free to roll your eyes right along with me. 

    Oh, watermelon. Ordinarily, this midsummer food and its holiday pass by without me paying it much, if any, attention.

    As a kid, I wasn’t all that into watermelon. Cantaloupe, either. The ones I had access to on summer lunch trays and from the local grocery store didn’t vibe with my burgeoning palate. 

    Eating watermelon meant undertaking the cumbersome task of sifting through a mess of black seeds for flesh that lacked any real flavor. Cantaloupe was no better. I found it just as bland and watered down.  

    All of that changed when I was around 8 or 9 years old, living in Alexandria, Egypt, with my biological mother. The watermelon there tasted sweeter, denser, and far more flavorful. It became one of my go-to delicacies for beating the heat, and I couldn’t get enough melon or any of the other succulent fruit Egypt had to offer. 

    Looking back, it makes all the sense in the world that the best watermelon I ever had was in Egypt, on the same continent as its birthplace. 

    Genetic research from the University of Munich has even traced the origins of the modern sweet variety to an ancient tomb in Egypt, uncovered in 1876. Leaves of the fruit found inside the 3,500-year-old tomb proved that local farmers were cultivating the sweet, red fruit we love today.

    DNA tests showed that this Egyptian variety of watermelon had its roots in a watermelon variety grown in Sudan. From there, researchers have traced the watermelon’s ancestry to the Kordofan melon, a wild, sweet, white-fleshed fruit believed to have been first domesticated in Sudan before making its way up the Nile into Egypt.

    Watermelon came to the United States via the transatlantic slave trade. Watermelon seeds were among the provisions carried on slave ships alongside crops like okra, sorghum, and black-eyed peas. Enslaved people kept garden plots on plantation land where they grew food like watermelon for themselves. 

    After emancipation, formerly enslaved people across the South began growing watermelon on their own land and selling it as a cash crop. The fruit was relatively cheap to grow and required little land or capital, which made it accessible to people who had just been declared free. Freed people used the fruit to enact and celebrate their new property rights, growing it, eating it, and selling it in the public square. 

    After the Civil War, Black farmers became the nation’s largest producers of watermelon, and the fruit became a means of building income and property ownership outside a plantation system designed to keep them landless. This also made it one of the first tangible paths to Black economic independence during Reconstruction.

    After my mother and I settled back into the United States, I quickly lost my newfound interest in watermelon and cantaloupe. All it took was one bite of cantaloupe added to my lunch tray, and I was reminded why I didn’t like it. Nothing about the melons from local markets carried the vitality of taste I remembered from those available in Alexandria. 

    What further moved me away from the fruit was hearing kids telling jokes on the playground about Black people eating fried chicken and watermelon. That planted in me the understanding that liking either one, as a Black person, would confirm I was lazy and dirty by default. It made little sense then to keep eating a fruit that barely tasted like anything, just to hand someone the satisfaction of watching me confirm for them a persistent stereotype they held about Black people. In my mind, avoiding the fruit felt like I was taking power away from the stereotype. 

    In reality, I was placing a restriction on myself and, in a way, bending to the very thing I thought I was resisting.

    What I didn’t know as a child huddled on that playground was that my impulse to avoid eating watermelon in mixed company had been carefully engineered generations before I was born. 

    Watermelon jokes are leftover remnants of a post-Civil War smear campaign designed to turn what had been a tool of self-reliance for Black people into a badge of laziness. The economic progress that watermelon paved the way for threatened the existing social and economic structures of that time. In response, critics weaponized the fruit through popular culture, print ads, and minstrel shows. They intentionally sought to create a narrative through imagery that Black people were unrefined, easily satisfied, lazy, and distracted by a piece of fruit. 

    The campaign gaslit the public by actively rebranding the watermelon, twisting a vivid sign of liberation into a manufactured symbol of laziness. By mocking the fruit, the original campaign removed economic progress entirely from the equation, creating a narrative that was easier to spread and harder to refute than a direct political argument for systemic oppression and inequality. 

    From a psychological standpoint, this caricature worked because it replaced a complex person with a simple, fixed image with the aim of permanently linking watermelon to Black people. Once that image was repeated enough, people stopped questioning it and instead reacted to the stereotype, rather than considering the multifaceted humanity standing before them.  

    The lasting legacy of this caricature is a persistent attempt to take away the simple right to look at that fruit with pride, denying us the enjoyment of something our ancestors cultivated to build economic freedom. 

    This is an excerpt; read the entire article here.


    Feaured Image: Woman eating watermelon (StockPlanets / Getty)

  • Black Belt Folk Roots Festival, a Cultural Celebration in Transition

    Black Belt Folk Roots Festival, a Cultural Celebration in Transition

    by Dr. Carol P. Zippert, publisher

    In August, 2025, the Society of Folk Arts & Culture celebrated the 50th Anniversary of the Black Belt Folk Roots Festival. This was a grand occasion featuring the founder of this annual festival, Mrs. Jane Sapp, who organized this special cultural celebration in 1975 while a staff member of the Miles College-Eutaw Campus. She brought together seemingly ordinary people who were gifted in crafts, foodways, ole timey blues and gospel music, storytelling, dancing and much more. 

    These artists were from a generation where, Homemade, was the criterion for producing the basics of their livelihood: homemade quilts kept them warm; homemade baskets used for gathering crops; the gardens and fields gave the fruits for their signature foodways; singing blues released history’s pain and suffering, while singing gospel called up perseverance and refreshed hope; storytelling documented ‘How We Made It Over.’

    At the 2025 community celebration, I announced that the Festival’s 50th Anniversary signaled a transition in future cultural events, calling for a festival of younger artists, planned and produced by younger artists, with senior artists maintaining their coveted roles.

    Here we are in 2026, carving those first steps to lift new artists in community celebration.  On the 4th Saturday and Sunday, August 22 and 23, the Society of Folk Arts & Culture, under the collaboration of Ms. Teresa Atkins, Mrs. Barbara Hunter and Dr. Carol Zippert, will call community together for an emerging cultural celebration, lifting senior artists (passing the baton) and new generation artists (finding their role in leadership).

    Our elders remind us that we will always be in struggle, we must embrace it and, with the help of a Greater Power, use our gifts to creatively preserve history and celebrate culture and tradition through new generations.

     

    For more information, contact 205-372-0525 and visit the Black Belt Folks Root Festival online.

  • Eutaw celebrated America’s 250th anniversary

    Eutaw celebrated America’s 250th anniversary

    By Maya Quinn, managing editor

    On Saturday, June 27th in Eutaw’s Historic District, the Greene County Historical Society and Chamber of Commerce sponsored an event to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the United States of America. The celebration featured a parade, a special presentation, a barbecue luncheon, and a fireworks show. 

    The parade began down Boligee Street and circled the historic district with horse-drawn wagons, classic cars, and other vehicles operated by Greene County citizens. Following the parade, a presentation was orchestrated by the historical society. The presentation featured singing by the children’s choir and Loretta Webb-Wilson, recognition of veterans with a memorial wreath, and a speech by keynote speaker Chief Warrant Officer Five Darren L. Cook (retired).

    The Democrat was able to interview Councilwoman and committee member of the historical society Carrie Logan. She was inspired to help organize the event to share the stories that make the community unique. “The City of Eutaw, the Greene County Historical Society and the Chamber of Commerce all recognize that preserving our history and investing in our future go hand in hand,” she began. “Community events like this strengthen local pride while encouraging economic development and tourism.”

    When asked why hold a celebration here, Logan stated that it was important to celebrate in Eutaw’s historic district because it is the heart of the community. “It represents generations of history, architecture, and culture that deserve to be appreciated and preserved. Holding the celebration there allowed participants to experience the beauty and significance of the district firsthand rather than simply hearing about it. It also highlighted the importance of preserving these historic spaces while encouraging people to visit downtown, support local businesses, and see the district as a vibrant place where history continues to come alive.”

    When asked why Cook was chosen as the keynote speaker Logan stated that the organizers wanted a speaker “who could connect history with hope for the future—someone who understood the value of community, leadership, and service.” She was impacted by Cook’s words as they served as a reminder that “every community can shape its future by valuing its past, investing in its people, and working together.”

    Logan also informed us that The Greene County Historical Society will be hosting its annual Tour of Homes on October 3rd, 2026.


    Featured Image: Chief Warrant Officer Five Darren L. Cook (retired)

  • Nigerian Prince Tunde Odunlade in Eutaw, July 2

    Nigerian Prince Tunde Odunlade in Eutaw, July 2

    By Maya Quinn, managing editor

    On Thursday, June 2, the Renaissance Theater will hold an exhibition and performance for one of Nigeria’s most celebrated artists and cultural ambassadors, Prince Tunde Odunlade. His artistic career spans over five decades, and his works reflect the spirit and resilience of Yoruba culture. His exhibition will showcase his prints and batik artistry. He will also have a musical performance for attendees, free of charge.

    Prince Tunde Odunlade was raised in Yorubaland, where music, masquerades, textiles, and oral traditions were part of everyday life. Thus, it is no wonder that he refused to limit himself to a single form of artistic expression. His interest in various forms of expression led him to study under Yinka Adeyemi, known for music and multicolored batiks, and participate in the Oguntimehim Art Workshop in Oshogbo. These experiences helped him blend music, drama, poetry, and visual art into methods of cultural exchange. He believed that African artistic expression best presents itself when interconnected. 

    Odunlade is also known as an advocate for African arts and cultural exchange. His work inspired viewers to have global conversations about identity, spirituality, and social transformation. This legacy of cultural advocacy partially began with his participation in Festac ’77, also known as the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture. The event brought intellectuals and artists from African nations and the African diaspora. Their performances and exhibitions showcased Africa’s postcolonial identity to the world. In 2010, Odunlade continued to attract Western investment in African arts by leading a campaign tagged “Art as a tool to build a virile nation.” 

    Please join Mrs. Sandra Walker and the Renaissance Theater for this culturally significant event. Doors open at 6:30 pm, and the performance begins at 7:00 pm. Donations will be accepted.


    Featured Image: A portrait of Tunde Odunlade during Building Open Glam Photo Walk (Energyme/CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

  • Newswire: Civil Rights foot soldiers, Birmingham youth launch voting rights push

    Newswire: Civil Rights foot soldiers, Birmingham youth launch voting rights push

    By Staff, Alabama Political Reporter

    Civil Rights Movement foot soldiers will join Birmingham-area high school students Saturday in an intergenerational effort to defend voting rights and encourage civic participation.

    The effort will take place Saturday, June 27, beginning at 9 a.m., with phone banking at Foot Soldiers HQ, 1707 Fourth Avenue North, in Birmingham’s historic Fourth Avenue Business District. Participants will call residents to discuss the importance of voting and build support for renewed voting rights advocacy. Organizers are encouraging volunteers to bring a tablet or laptop.

    At the same time, about 30 Birmingham-area high school members of Phi Kappa Sigma High School Fraternity will gather at the Collegeville Community Center, 3029 29th Avenue West, for a community canvassing event. Students from Ramsay, Pleasant Grove, Minor, McAdory, Bessemer City, Clay-Chalkville, Hueytown and Parker high schools are expected to take part.

    The students will knock on doors and speak with residents about civic engagement, connecting a new generation of young Black leaders with veterans of the movement that helped change the nation.

    Organizers said the event is a response to ongoing efforts to restrict voting access and to the lasting effects of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2013 Shelby County v. Holder decision, which weakened key protections of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

    The decision struck at the heart of the federal preclearance system, which had long required certain states and localities with histories of racial discrimination in voting to receive federal approval before changing election laws. For many voting rights advocates, the ruling marked a turning point in the modern fight over ballot access.

    Saturday’s effort is designed to show that the struggle for voting rights is an unfinished obligation.

    “There’s something powerful about seeing a foot soldier in their 70s and a 17-year-old student fighting for the same thing,” said Bryan Jenkins, fraternity adviser. “This isn’t history, this is now. Our foot soldiers fought too hard for the right to vote, and we can’t sit back and watch it being dismantled. We’re passing the torch to the next generation, and they’re ready to carry it.”

    The event is powered by The People’s Project, a collaborative community initiative led by neighborhood association presidents, activists, faith leaders and civil rights organizations. The group’s mission is to spur civic engagement and bring residents into the public life of their communities.

    For Birmingham, the symbolism is hard to miss.

    The city’s young people helped force America to confront the brutality of segregation during the Civil Rights Movement. Now, another generation of students is being asked to understand that the right to vote, once won, must still be protected.

    Saturday’s events will place those generations side by side: movement veterans who carried the fight before them and students being called to carry it forward.

    The Alabama Political Reporter is a daily political news site devoted to Alabama politics. We provide accurate, reliable coverage of policy, elections and government.

    Read the original article here


    Featured image: Protestors raising hands and a megaphone (iStock/Alabama Political Reporter)

  • Newswire: ‘Sinners’ Surreal Montage: The Walk Is A Threshold

    Newswire: ‘Sinners’ Surreal Montage: The Walk Is A Threshold

    By Jeffrey Page, NewsOne

    When Sinners shows C walking inside the Juke Joint, the movement arrives with a charge that cannot be reduced to entertainment. The feet are smooth, precise, coded. The body moves like it is carrying more than rhythm. It is carrying memory, territory, grief, pride, and the names of people who are no longer here.

    That is what I felt at Davenport Park in Long Beach with Deshawn, known online as @thaeastcidewalkr. He pushed back against the easy language. People may call it dancing, but for him, he is walking. 

    And walking means something. It is not just a step pattern. It is a declaration. A way of holding down the Crips, yes, but also holding down Blackness, neighborhood, lineage, and the people who made the walk matter before him.

    Watching him made me think of the Haka, not because these traditions are the same, but because both understand the body as a force of address. A war dance. A memory dance. A challenge. A prayer. A way of saying: I am here, my people are here, and you will not pass through this space without feeling us.

    But the circle at Davenport Park also showed me something more complicated.

    Larry the Clown of Watts and Rocco the Clown, both featured in Rize, helped open up the meaning of Klown Walking. Klown Walking is not simply Crip Walking by another name. It came from people in the community who wanted to dance without being locked into gang affiliation. When pressed, they could say they were just clowning. Over time, that became its own language, still of the community, still carrying the flavor, but not claiming Blood or Crip. A kind of truce in motion.

    Rocco stood there in a bright red L.A. hat across from Deshawn in blue, and the circle held them both. That mattered. He said that, in another context, people from their different areas were not supposed to be around each other. Without the dancing, the walking, the struggle, that circle might not have existed at all. Or it might have become something else entirely.

    But here they were.

    Talking. Laughing. Correcting history. Remembering the ones who came before. Moving their feet.

    In Compton, at Magic Johnson Park, Boomer Da Clown said it plainly: “We ain’t have no studios out here. We is the studio.” That line stayed with me. Because it names the genius of the thing. The parking lot becomes studio. The sidewalk becomes classroom. The party becomes archive. The body becomes the record.

    Then his son Messiah danced.

    At the end, this little boy lifted his chest to the sky with such openness, such supplication, that the whole frame changed. All the talk about territory and battle suddenly widened into vulnerability. Into inheritance. Into a child standing inside something bigger than himself.

    The walk is not only defense; it is also hope.

    A way to keep moving without disappearing.

    Read the original article here


    Featured image: C walking dancer at the juke joint in Sinners (Warner Bros Entertainment / Proximity Media)

  • A sense of history: Why this Black Belt county has Alabama’s highest voter turnout

    A sense of history: Why this Black Belt county has Alabama’s highest voter turnout

    By Drew Taylor, Alabama Reflector

    EUTAW — In the town square of Eutaw, the modern world hems in a relic of an older one that no longer exists.

    The Eutaw Hotel is long gone. Even among older locals, the V.J. Elmore’s Five & Dime is nothing but a faint memory. Places like Mills Pharmacy or Main Street Diner get the foot traffic these days. But inside the square, the old Greene County Courthouse still stands, along with a towering oak tree just yards away.

    The tree was much shorter when Earlean Isaac, then 15 years old, marched with others to the courthouse for voting rights in 1965. It was where Isaac, who would go on to become the first Black female probate judge in the county, was beaten by a police officer.

    “He hit me with his Billy club,” Isaac said.

    By 1969, with a newly ordered election mandated by the Supreme Court to recognize the National Democratic Party of Alabama, voters would elect four Black candidates– Harry Means, Franchie Burton, Vassie Knott and Levi Morrow Sr.—to the Greene County Commission and put two new Black members, Robert Hines and James Posey, on the Greene County School Board. These six men put Greene County on the map as the first county across the country since Reconstruction to put a majority-Black government in office.

    A year later, outside the very courthouse where Isaac was beaten, Thomas Gilmore, a minister who had returned to Greene County from Los Angeles a few years prior, was sworn in as the first Black sheriff in Greene County, going on to get the nickname of “The Sheriff Without a Gun.”

    Today, across the street from the old courthouse sits the new one, named after William McKinley Branch, the first Black probate judge in Greene County. It’s a history that plays a crucial part in the area’s voter turnout, often among the highest across Alabama in any given year.

    Leading the vote in Alabama

    During the primary election in May, Greene County had a 51% voter turnout, compared with the 23.11% turnout statewide. Countywide, there are 6,332 registered voters.

    “Usually, our voter turnout depends on who’s on the ballot that will really drive the votes out,” Isaac said.

    There were several big local races in Greene County this spring, including races for a district judge and sheriff. But Greene County consistently outpaces the rest of the state for turnout. In the 2022 primary, 44.5% of the county’s eligible voters cast ballots. In 2020, Greene County’s turnout for the presidential election was 68.3%, compared to 62.8% statewide. In 2024, while the state as a whole posted its lowest voter turnout for a presidential election in over 30 years with 58.5%, nearly 61.7% of Greene County’s registered voters turned out to the polls.  

    This comes despite Greene County being Alabama’s smallest county by population. Just 7,730 people lived there in 2020, according to the U.S. Census. Recent estimates have that number closer to 7,000 as of last July. Greene County also ranks as among the oldest, with a median age close to 44, and one of the poorest, with a median household income of about $29,200, compared to $63,999 statewide.

    Richard Fording, a political science professor at the University of Alabama, said that because of these obstacles, trying to explain this surge of voters in both Greene County, as well as the Black Belt as a whole, is complicated.

    “These are counties where the demographic disadvantages are pretty extreme,” Fording said. “It’s more interesting for that region.”

    However, for people from Greene County, one thing it has never lacked is political involvement. Rep. Curtis Travis, D-Tuscaloosa, who remembers meeting both Gilmore and Branch as a boy at his father’s garage in Eutaw, credits his home county with putting him in the Alabama Legislature in the first place.

    “Greene County was the one that got me over,” said Travis, who beat Ralph Anthony Howard by 500 votes in Greene County to win the Democratic primary in 2022.

    For Travis, one aspect of Greene County’s high voter turnout, as well as much of the Black Belt’s, is a recognition of the past and how Black people were able to make change with the vote.

    “That empowerment is something that is shared with pride,” Travis said. “They keep it alive, and they know where they come from.”

    Community centers are one way the community tries to keep that tradition alive, often hosting candidate forums with locals. However, Travis said these forums are anything but easy for anyone looking for votes.

    “There was one candidate who came out to speak to the seniors at the Boligee Community Center and it was like he was on trial,” Travis said. “They like to get their questions out there.”

    Hattie Samuel, mayor of Bolligee, said the town’s community center, located in the former Greene County Training School, has always been a good place for people to talk about politics and engage with the political system.

    “What we do is when a candidate qualifies to run, we like to study that person,” Samuel said. “A lot of people at the center can’t get around for the campaign, so having these candidates come here has been great.”

    Severe Strode, a 93-year-old woman who lives in Boligee, is a regular at the Boligee Community Center and one of those in Greene County who tried to keep that empowerment alive, getting out to vote in the last primary.

    “This election, I feel more people felt a need for change in Greene County,” Strode said. “I also vote because it is one of my civil rights.”

     In “There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945-1975,” author Jason Sokol wrote that the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was a crucial change in momentum for Black Alabamians in Greene County.

    “As Blacks made up more than 75% of the population, they quickly surpassed whites on the voting rolls,” Sokol wrote. “Suddenly a political minority, few Greene whites knew exactly what had hit them.”

    The shift played out in dramatic fashion in Eutaw’s town square, where in 1966 Black and white Alabamians gathered to watch as the vote counts were rolling in for the sheriff’s race. Bill Lee, a former tackle for the Green Bay Packers, had already been sheriff for 10 years, but the office had been held by his father and brothers going back as early as the 1930s. 

    Challenging Lee was Gilmore, had come back home to Greene County just a few years before from Los Angeles. In the time since he had come back, Gilmore led many protests in Eutaw, often coming face to face with Lee.

    Gilmore ultimately came up short, getting only 1,949 votes to Lee’s 2,246.

    Despite court challenges to the results, Lee would hold onto office. But in an interview with Marshall Frady of Newsweek, the former sheriff seemed to predict what was about to come.

    “But you know — I don’t understand a bit of it,” Lee said of the civil rights movement, as recounted in Frady’s “Southerners: A Journalist’s Odyssey.” “This thing’s so massive. I mean, you just can’t expect 1,500 hundred people to be able to keep beating off 2,700. It just stands to reason they bound to win something eventually.”

    Today, Black Alabamians make up almost 80% of the population.

    Protecting that legacy may also help mobilize voters this year. Fording, whose area of focus is voter turnout, said that with the Supreme Court giving the Republican-led Alabama Legislature permission to redraw its congressional map, all but wiping out a predominantly Black Congressional district, there has been a sense of urgency for Black voters, especially those in marginalized areas like the Black Belt, to make their voices heard and vote.

    “That has sent shockwaves into that community,” Fording said.

    Like Fording, Isaac believes the redrawn Congressional lines in Alabama will continue to bring out people to the ballot box.

    “Our voice is being diminished,” she said. “The little voice we do have is being taken away from us.”

    Spiver Gordon lives less than a mile from the old Greene County Courthouse, yet only yards from the place he keeps history alive.

    Next to his home on Greensboro Street, Gordon keeps up the Magnolia House, part of the Alabama Civil Rights Freedom Farm Museum that holds hundreds of artifacts from the civil rights era, from photos of Martin Luther King, Jr. to an article by the Montgomery Advertiser announcing Isaac’s swearing in as probate judge back in 1989.

    As Gordon walks into each room, another table of framed photos appear every time he flicks on the lights. Even the bathroom has different rows of photos he’s been trying to restore.

    “I have their stories here,” said Gordon.

    Gordon worked for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference before becoming the first Black member of the Eutaw City Council in 1984. He has had his ups and downs in politics, but said that Greene County has always had a vibrant political history.

    “It’s been a continued process,” Gordon said.

    Isaac, who served as probate judge until 2016, remembers how people took election years pretty seriously, especially precinct leaders in places like West Greene or Boligee.

    “In Boligee, they would celebrate how they toppled Forkland in a particular race by getting more votes,” she said.

    Fording said that in places with older populations in the Black Belt, where some still remember a time before the Voting Rights Act, casting a ballot is taken as a kind of civic responsibility.

    “As a region, the strong sense of group identity is in the fact that the voting rights struggle is still very salient in those communities,” he said. “Any surge happening now is how current events are triggering those memories.”

    Despite the challenges facing Greene County, Isaac still loves the area and knows that better things are in store for it.

    “I travel a lot, but after a couple of days, I always want to come back to Greene County,” she said. “This is home.”

    As Gordon looks out onto Greensboro Street, a stack of bricks sits next to the Magnolia House. At 86 years old, Gordon has plans to add onto the building, adding more rooms, more pictures, and more memories. For him, and for Greene County, the work isn’t done yet.


    Read the original article on the Alabama Reflector’s website here

    Featured Image: Spiver Gordon stands inside Magnolia House, a civil rights museum in Eutaw, Alabama, U.S., on Friday, June 5th, 2026 (Andi Rice /Alabama Reflector)

  • Newswire: Juneteenth and the Revolutionary Power of Rest for Black Women

    Newswire: Juneteenth and the Revolutionary Power of Rest for Black Women

    By Joce Blake, BlackPressUSA Newswire

    The holiday serves as a profound reminder that for Black women, embracing self-care and rejecting ‘grind culture’ is a radical act of liberation with deep historical roots.

    As the nation observes Juneteenth, many Black women are reframing the holiday not just as a commemoration of emancipation, but as a powerful call to embrace rest as a revolutionary act of personal liberation. This perspective connects the freedom celebrated on June 19 to the ongoing struggle for wellness and self-preservation in a society that has historically demanded their ceaseless labor.

    The concept is rooted in the history of chattel slavery, where the bodies of Black women were exploited not only for labor but also for reproduction, leaving no room for personal autonomy or rest. Though the Emancipation Proclamation and subsequent events ended legal enslavement, the cultural expectation for Black women to be “superhuman”—tireless workers, caregivers, and community pillars—has persisted. This “strong Black woman” trope, while sometimes worn as a badge of honor, is also a damaging legacy that often discourages vulnerability and prioritizes productivity over personal health.

    In this context, choosing rest becomes a radical act of defiance. Proponents argue it is a direct rejection of a “grind culture” that disproportionately affects women of color and a reclamation of the time and energy systematically stolen from their ancestors. By setting firm boundaries, prioritizing mental and physical health, and refusing to sacrifice their well-being, Black women exercise a form of autonomy central to true freedom. This is not about idleness, but about strategic self-preservation in the face of systemic pressures.

    Embracing “softness” is another key element of this revolutionary rest. The term is used to describe the act of allowing for vulnerability, emotional expression, and gentleness—qualities often suppressed by the need to appear resilient. By choosing softness, Black women push back against dehumanizing standards that demand they be eternally stoic and unbreakable, instead affirming their right to a full and gentle human experience.

    Ultimately, this interpretation transforms Juneteenth into a deeply personal and political observance. It honors ancestors not just by remembering their struggle, but by actively living out the freedoms for which they fought—including the fundamental human right to rest, heal, and thrive. This story is based on an article originally published by the Garland Journal.

    Based on this reporting by Garland Journal.


    Featured image: Woman in Orange (Staff — Garland Journal)

    Original article link here

  • Newswire: Advocates Say SCOTUS Voting Rights Decision Has Already Started to Reshape Black Political Power

    Newswire: Advocates Say SCOTUS Voting Rights Decision Has Already Started to Reshape Black Political Power

    By Edward Henderson, California Black Media

    U.S. Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-CA-37), a member of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) whose district spans parts of Los Angeles County, joined fellow CBC member U.S. Rep. Troy Carter (D-LA-2) for a May 21 briefing with Black media outlets in California. 

    The lawmakers highlighted what they describe as a mounting threat to Black political representation resulting from an April 29 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that weakened key protections under the federal Voting Rights Act.  

    Kamlager-Dove and Carter warned that the decision, which narrowed the role of race in redistricting, is already reshaping congressional districts across the South and undermining Black voters’ ability to elect candidates of their choice. 

    “While I support building coalitions, we have to make sure that as a Black community we are not yielding our power,” she added.

    Calling the fight “not unique to the South,” Carter urged Black communities nationwide to recognize the broader implications of the legal and political battles unfolding in Southern legislatures and courtrooms. 

     

    The Supreme Court ruling centers on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the portion of the law that prohibits voting systems or district maps that dilute the voting strength of racial minorities. For decades, Section 2 allowed civil rights groups to challenge district maps that weakened Black political representation even when lawmakers did not openly state discriminatory intent.

    Now, advocates fear that standard has fundamentally changed. 

    The implications could stretch far beyond congressional elections, Brown said.  

     

    Section 2 protections have historically applied not only to U.S. House districts, but also to state legislatures, school boards, county commissions, judgeships, and local governing bodies. Voting rights advocates warn that weakening those protections could reshape political representation throughout the South, particularly in states with large Black populations. 

    “This is not just a Southern issue,” said Amir Badat, manager of Black Voters on the Rise and voting special counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. 

    Badat described the current moment as part of a much longer historical pattern. 

    “This is the same move,” Badat said. 

     

    Advocates also emphasized that the consequences of weakened voting protections extend into everyday life. 

    Local elected offices such as school boards, city councils, county commissions, and judgeships often determine funding priorities, public safety policy, education standards, and infrastructure investments. 

    “These are not abstract numbers,” Badat said. “These have real political consequences and policy consequences on people’s day-to-day lives.”


    Featured image: Black voter (Shutterstock / NNPA)

  • Public Notices

    The City of Boligee is applying to the Alabama Department of Transportation for a federal capital funding award under Section 5310 of the Federal Transit Act. This funding is for capital assistance to help meet the transportation needs of seniors and individuals with disabilities in Greene County, Alabama. A public hearing will be held on June 12th at noon in the cafeteria at the  Boligee Town Center at 17404 Co Rd 20, Boligee, Alabama for public comments.

    Contact Information: Mayor Hattie Samuels, City of Boligee, 205 336 8531, boligeemayor@yahoo.com