I have been fortunate to have an extensive career in law enforcement: nearly 16 years as your sheriff and 24 years as an Alabama State Trooper. But before any of that, I was a Greene County Deputy Sheriff. The foundation for my passion for law enforcement was laid in Greene County. I do not take for granted that you have entrusted me with the honor of being your sheriff, and I thank you for your support—do not second-guess yourselves. Rest assured that you have always made the right choice. We have been here before; do not allow seeds of doubt to bear fruit. Let’s be clear, Greene County is my home, too. I am a sheriff by trade, but the heart of who I am, who I was before I entered this role, is a Greene County citizen. I am just like you. I am you: I was born here, I was educated here, my family is here, my home is here, my heart is here. My heart for this community and its people is what guides me. If Greene County does not thrive, if Greene County is not safe, if our county’s resources go under, WE all lose. For these very reasons, this neighbor, classmate, friend, and citizen is asking for your support. Allow me the honor to continue advocating for Greene County, fighting for Greene County, most importantly, protecting and serving Greene County, OUR community, OUR home. A vote for me is a vote for WE because we are in this together.
On May 19th, vote for a Proven Past, Proactive Present and a Fearless Future. Vote for your Sheriff, Jonathan “Joe” Benison.
Mr. Wesley Hodges, of Boligee, AL has announced his candidacy for the Greene County Commission seat for District 5. Mr. Hodges has a long-standing demonstrated interest in public service. He received his Bachelor of Arts degree in History from Stillman College and in Audio Production from Full Sail University. He received his Masters in Public Administration from The University of Alabama.
Mr. Hodges has worked for the U.S. Department of State (Executive Branch) and U- Haul International, Inc. He has become a business owner in the residential and commercial moving industry, founding Moving U, a company that served the Southeast U.S. He has since transitioned into the role of CEO of Moving U, Inc. Being an ongoing volunteer, Mr. Hodges has worked within his service fraternity (Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, Inc.) and political arenas, he has strengthened his passion and interest in learning about how the government brings about prospective partnerships for organizations and ventures for those who own small businesses. He is passionate about community service whether local, state, or national and about advocating for the citizens of Greene County. Wesley is particularly interested in public service because of his goal of improving the quality of life with community infrastructure like roads and bridges, public safety, financial institutions, and healthcare.
Mr. Hodges ensures that he will continue to keep his 24/7 open phone line policy available for the citizens of District 5 and Greene County as well as match the “open door” policy of the current Commissioners who do so. Mr. Hodges is looking for your District 5 vote for Greene County Commission on May 19th.
Today, I am formally announcing my candidacy for the Greene County School Board, District 4. My name is Willie Esther Davis, I am running for the Greene County Board of Education. I am a lifelong resident of Greene County and a proud native of the Tishabee Community. I am a graduate of Paramount High School and earned my Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration from Stillman College. While attending Stillman College, I received the United States Achievement Academy All-American Scholar Award. I humbly ask for your support and your vote to serve as your School Board Member for District 4. A vote for me is a vote for change. Thank you.
California Congresswoman Maxine Waters speaks at a CFPB rally. Also attending are Representatives Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo.) and Joyce Beatty (D-Ohio). At Center for Responsible Lending
(TriceEdneyWire.com) – Over the past year, the Trump administration took a series of steps to weaken the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). Despite broad and bipartisan legislative and consumer support for the agency’s efforts that delivered transparency in financial transactions for consumers, these reversals also ended the kind of data collection, research, and investigations of consumer complaints that together held violators accountable, while making defrauded consumers financially whole.
Russell Vought, appointed to serve as both Secretary of the Office of Management and Budget and CFPB’s Acting Director, ordered the agency to close its offices early last year and then months later, chose not to request any funding from the Federal Reserve. Unlike many federal agencies subject to annual congressional appropriation, the CFPB receives its funding directly from the Federal Reserve. Caught up in this agency role reversal were an estimated 1,400 employees left uncertain whether their jobs could be retained or their collective mission continued.
But on December 30, a federal district judge issued a series of rulings that made clear that no administration could ignore or eliminate what Congress previously enacted into law, clearing the way for the Bureau to continue its important work.
In just two consumer categories – fees for late credit card payments and overdraft – an estimated $15 billion were taken from the pockets of consumers. Overdraft regulation that was set to take effect last year was scuttled at a cumulative consumer cost of $5 billion, while $32 monthly credit card late fees took another $10 billion from the pockets of everyday working people.
“By stopping virtually all work at the Consumer Bureau, President Trump is giving financial companies a green light to cheat working Americans out of their hard-earned money,” said Mike Calhoun, President of the Center for Responsible Lending.
Speaking directly to the administration’s refusal to request agency funding, s 32-page ruling wrote in part:
“The defendants’ interpretation of the Dodd-Frank Act is contrary to the text and intent of the statute and the way it has been consistently interpreted by both the Federal Reserve and the CFPB… [N]ot one penny of the funding needed to run the agency that has returned over $21 billion to American consumers comes from taxpayer dollars. The only new circumstance is the administration’s determination to eliminate an agency created by Congress with the stroke of pen, even while the matter is before the Court of Appeals.”
The ruling also itemized the duties CFPB “shall” perform:
• Reinstate all probationary and term employees terminated between February 10, 2025 and December 30, the date of this order, including but not limited to the Private Student Loan Ombudsman. • • No termination of any CFPB employee, except for cause related to the individual employee’s performance or conduct; nor issue any notice of reduction-in-force to any CFPB employee. • • Ensure that employees can perform their statutorily mandated functions, the defendants must provide them with either fully equipped office space, or permission to work remotely and laptop computers that are enabled to connect securely to the agency server. • • Ensure that the CFPB Office of Consumer Response continues to maintain a single, toll-free telephone number, a website, and a database for the centralized collection of consumer complaints regarding consumer financial products and services, and that it continues to monitor and respond to those complaints. • • Rescind all notices of contract termination issued on or after February 11, 2025, and they may not reinitiate the wholesale cancellation of contracts. • For Congresswoman Maxine Waters, Ranking Member of the House Financial Services Committee and a long-time CFPB champion, reacted to the court ruling saying, “Let’s be clear, the Trump Administration’s efforts to defund or dismantle this agency are not about fiscal responsibility, they are about shielding their allies on Wall Street and other powerful corporate interests from oversight while working families are left to fend for themselves.”
“At a time when families are already being squeezed by the Trump Administration’s reckless economic agenda, weakening the CFPB only makes it harder for people to keep up with rising costs, avoid financial abuse, and stay afloat”, Waters concluded.
Charlene Crowell is a senior fellow with the Center for Responsible Lending. She can be reached at Charlene.crowell@responsiblelending.org”
FBI agents enter Fulton County Georgia voting offices
By Joe Jurado, NewsOne
President Donald Trump has spent the last seven years obsessed with Georgia following his loss in the 2020 election. The FBI turned heads last week when it seized voting information related to the 2020 election from a warehouse in Fulton County. On Wednesday, attorneys for Fulton County filed a motion in federal court demanding that the federal government return the seized election materials. According to the New York Times, Robb Pitts, the chair of the Fulton County Board of Commissioners, explained why the lawsuit was filed at a news conference on Wednesday. “We will fight using all resources against those who seek to take over our elections. Our Constitution itself is at stake in this fight.” Pitts said. Georgia has continually remained a sticking point for Trump, likely due to the fact that state officials refused his request to “find the votes” in a phone call made shortly after his loss in the 2020 election. “The president himself and his allies, they refuse to accept the fact that they lost,” Pitts said during the news conference. “And even if he had won Georgia, he would still have lost the presidency.” While on the surface, the Fulton County raid looks like a move to placate Trump’s ego, Democrats and election officials have highlighted the chilling, underlying implications of the raid. “This case is not only about Fulton County. This is about elections across Georgia and across the nation,” Pitts said during the news conference. It was widely expected that the Democrats would retake the House in the midterms, as Republicans hold only a narrow majority and midterm elections are usually favorable to the opposition party. So Trump made the big brain move of convincing several Red states to undergo rare, mid-decade redistricting efforts. As his redistricting effort hit roadblocks in Indiana and Missouri, and Blue states like California successfully implemented their own redistricting efforts, Trump has taken a far more authoritarian tone regarding the midterms. Last month, he publicly floated outright canceling the midterms. Shortly after the raid, he appeared on former FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino’s podcast and called for elections to be “nationalized.” “Look at some of the places — that horrible corruption on elections — and the federal government should not allow that,” Trump said. “The federal government should get involved.” What makes all of this particularly crazy is that only a month ago, Trump justified the U.S. kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro by saying he wasn’t legitimately elected. Which, to be fair, according to an independent voting firm, Maduro overwhelmingly lost the last election but declared himself the winner. It appears that this is yet another episode of “rules for thee, not for me,” as Trump is clearly willing to manipulate the midterms by any 1. possible to maintain the GOP’s control of Congress. There are even concerns that his willingness to deploy the National Guard to cities with Democratic leadership is a test run for how he might deploy the Guard to polling sites. The Fulton County raid, combined with the Department of Justice’s repeated, failed attempts to seize voter rolls from several Blue states, paints the picture of an administration that is actively trying to interfere with a free and fair midterm election. It would be such a delight if the Republicans who keep yapping about “voter fraud” would realize that the corruption is coming from inside the house.
In a significant moment for the labor movement, Roxanne Brown, set to become the first African American woman elected as President of the United Steelworkers (USW), North America’s largest industrial union, joins Make It Plain with Rev. Mark Thompson. With the official transition happening in March, Brown’s ascent is more than just a personal achievement; it represents a shift in the labor movement’s leadership reflecting the demographics of today’s workforce.
Born in Kingston, Jamaica, she moved to New York at the age of two and was raised by what she affectionately refers to as “the Amazons”—a family of strong, single women who were deeply involved in healthcare and unions. Her first exposure to the labor movement came through the nurses union and AFSCME’s CSEA in New York. This early influence clearly set the stage for what would be a lifelong commitment to labor rights and leadership.
Reflecting on her path to this esteemed position, Brown shared, “I cut my teeth in our policy shop, and I had to learn about our core issues and our core values. I literally spent my entire career fighting on behalf of our members across so many sectors.”
The USW under Brown’s leadership will be setting the tone with what she believes is a much-needed representation change. Brown emphasized, “We are the most diverse union in North America…we’re cradle to grave and have everything in between.”
With a membership boasting varied backgrounds, Brown’s leadership is a reflection of this diversity, as the board she is set to lead will be its most diverse in the union’s history.
Leading a predominantly male union presents its unique set of challenges. Brown noted, “When people think about our union, there’s an image that comes to mind that does not look like me. But…we are the most diverse union in North America, in terms of our sectors and membership.” She recognizes the importance of transcending stereotypes and advocated for a more inclusive image representing the diversity within the union.
Amidst the intricate challenges of tariffs and economic pressures, uncertainty remains a theme. Brown explains, “This current environment of tariffs is not strategic and creates uncertainty…not just for sectors but for our ability to use the tools we’ve relied on for survival.”
Brown is poised to take on these challenges head-on with strategies rooted in education, engagement, and advocacy at all governmental levels. She affirmed the union’s commitment by saying, “Engage, engage, engage—because we are charged to do that on behalf of our membership.” In discussing the broader significance of her leadership and that of fellow African American union leaders, Brown reflects, “Leadership should always reflect who is being led…I’m opening the door so that others know what is possible.”
“It is not about us alone; it is about what we represent and showing what is possible to our members who look like us,” she said. Brown listed some of the products USW members produce: • Goodyear, Bridgestone Firestone, and Michelin tires • Libby glassware • Starbucks cups • Paper towels • Amazon boxes • Wine bottles and beer cans • Bourbon bottles • Car components, including glass and steel • Glass on iPhones and Android devices • Fiber optic cables used for 5G systems • Oil for powering vehicles • Cement used in construction • Various pharmaceutical products, including some COVID-19 drugs • School buses and taxi services in certain areas • Baskerville coffins and caskets
Bad Bunny turned the Super Bowl halftime show into a Puerto Rican–inspired cultural spectacle, and a deeper message that social media loved
By William Goodwin II, NewsOne Ahead of the Super Bowl, Bad Bunny promised that you didn’t need to understand Spanish to enjoy his halftime show because it’d still be a vibe. And he was right. As football fans finally got a break from the snooze-fest 9-0 game between the Seattle Seahawks and the New England Patriots, Bad Bunny took to the field, which had been transformed into a farm, as he started performing his hit song “Tití Me Preguntó.” He walked through the maze as people began chopping down the crops, passing other hard workers: a jeweler, a coconut cart, old men playing dominoes, a nail tech, bricklayers, a Piraguas (shaved ice) stand, tacos, and boxers sparring, all of which showed the cultural relevance of Puerto Rico. From there, the camera panned to a bunch of people partying on a porch, and eagle-eyed fans noticed Jessica Alba, Pedro Pascal, Karol G, Young Miko, David Grutman, Cardi B, and Alix Earle were just some of the people dancing. Bad Bunny was on top of the house performing “YO PERREO SOLA,” as a dozen women twerked in unison on the field in front of him as the song flowed right into the Rauw Alejandro– assisted track “Party.” After falling through the roof of the house and performing on top of a pickup truck, watching a wedding, Lady Gaga emerged on stage with a full band backing her as she sang a new version of her Bruno Mars collab, “Die With A Smile.” After more dancing in front of elaborately designed bodegas and barbershop, it was time for Ricky Martin to show out, who was also wearing a crisp all-white ‘fit. For his last stunt, Bad Bunny climbed a light pole before ending his set by marching down the field, but he traded the Puerto Rican flag firmly in his hand for a football that read “Together, We Are America,” as he said, “God bless America.” He followed that by naming dozens of other countries, including Panama, Canada, Paraguay, Chile, and Bolivia, as fireworks went off in the background and the jumbotron read, “The Only Thing More Powerful Than Hate Is Love.”
A documentary that puts Alabama prisons in the spotlight is now in the running for one of the most well-known, prestigious awards in Hollywood — an Oscar. Nominees for the 98th Academy Awards were announced Thursday. “The Alabama Solution” is one of five films nominated in the documentary feature film category.
It’s a sobering look at life behind bars in Alabama prisons. Most of the video in the documentary, “The Alabama Solution,” is shot by inmates themselves, on contraband cellphones. It’s graphic and, at times, difficult to watch. Former corrections officer Stacy George is a part of the documentary. He called it an accurate depiction of what an Alabama prison inmate faces.
“These things are real. I mean, there’s a lot of abuse, and there’s a lot of neglect. I saw boxes that said ‘not for human consumption’ on the boxes; they feed them,” George said.
Some say part of the problem is the secrecy. Not many people from the outside ever get to see inside Alabama prisons. Even journalists aren’t allowed to get close. We’re kept about a mile away from St. Clair Correctional Facility. That’s as close as we’re allowed to be.
George claims the culture is the real problem. He said, sadly, many of the corrections officers are simply bullies.
“If they come down here to Birmingham and they want to be a police officer, the first thing they probably do will take a mental evaluation test. Well, if that officer wants to be an officer, if he fails that test, guess where the next place he goes to get a job. It’s with the Alabama Department of Corrections,” George said.
Gov. Kay Ivey’s press secretary released a statement saying, “We already knew the Oscars had a low bar, but as far as corrections goes, there has never been an Alabama governor more dedicated to solving the longstanding challenges facing the system than Governor Ivey. From recruiting a record number of corrections officers to doing sentencing reforms to constructing needed, new facilities, Governor Ivey is getting the job done and making it safer for inmates, officers and the public alike.”
Now that the documentary is a favorite to win an Academy Award, George hopes even more people will watch it and be inspired to push for change. The Oscars ceremony is set for 6 p.m. March 15.
By Shannon Dawson, NewsOn This year marks the 100th anniversary of Black History Month. As we reflect on our stories, this centennial is not only a moment of celebration but a call to urgency, a reminder that protecting, preserving, and uplifting Black history matters now more than ever. Let’s take a look back at how we got here and why this year carries such deep significance. Black History Month traces its roots back to 1926, when historian Carter G. Woodson and his Association for the Study of Negro Life and History launched Negro History Week. Woodson, the son of formerly enslaved parents, understood something radical for his time: that the absence of Black history in American education wasn’t accidental; it was structural. Woodson witnessed firsthand that racial discrimination was not simply a social reality; it was enforced by law. Segregation was codified across nearly every aspect of public life, with states mandating separate transportation, schools, and public spaces for Black and white Americans. From buses and trains to classrooms, water fountains, hospitals, and even courtrooms, these laws institutionalized inequality and shaped daily life, reinforcing a system designed to exclude and marginalize Black communities. In response to this reality, Woodson created Negro History Week, driven by a sense of urgency and the belief that change had to begin with education. He was determined to ensure that Black children, and the nation as a whole, were exposed to Black history. Woodson chose the second week of February to coincide with the birthdays of Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass, figures long honored within Black communities. Negro History Week was not born in a vacuum. The 1920s marked a flourishing of African American cultural expression through the Harlem Renaissance, as noted by the National Museum of African American History & Culture. Writers such as Langston Hughes, Georgia Douglas Johnson, and Claude McKay explored the joys and struggles of Black life, while musicians like Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, and Jimmy Lunceford captured the rhythms of a changing urban America shaped by the Great Migration. Visual artists, including Aaron Douglas, Richmond Barthé, and Lois Mailou Jones, created powerful images that celebrated Black identity and offered affirming representations of the African American experience. Woodson hoped to build on this momentum, using Negro History Week to further spark curiosity, pride, and sustained engagement with Black history and to challenge a national narrative that erased Black contributions, giving Black communities a way to tell our own stories in classrooms, churches, and civic spaces. Teaching Black history was an act of resistance against a society invested in forgetting. What began as a week quickly grew beyond Woodson’s original vision, not because the work was finished, but because it became clear that a week was never enough. By the 1960s and ’70s, amid the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, educators and students pushed for broader recognition. In 1976, the U.S. officially designated February as Black History Month, with President Gerald Ford recognizing the month, according to AP News. The expansion reflected both progress and tension. On one hand, Black history gained national visibility. On the other hand, it risked being contained, treated as an add-on rather than as foundational to American history. The month became a compromise: acknowledgment without full integration. Still, communities used the space creatively, building archives, hosting lectures, preserving oral histories, and insisting that Black history was not a niche subject, but central to understanding the nation itself. This February, we mark the 100-year anniversary of this incredible commemoration, and the work of preserving, protecting, and honoring Black leaders and communities is far from finished. Reaching this milestone is not just symbolic; it’s urgent. We are living in a moment where Black history is actively being censored in schools and other educational institutions, where DEI initiatives are under attack, and where deliberate historical erasure is becoming policy, not coincidence. In 2025, President Donald Trump signed “Ending Radical Indoctrination in K–12 Schooling” (Executive Order 14190), an executive order aimed at removing what it labels “specific ideologies” from public education and reorienting schools toward so-called “patriotic education.” In practice, the order significantly restricts how Black history, and particularly the history of slavery and systemic racism, can be discussed in classrooms. By redefining discussions of equity and racism as “discriminatory,” it creates a chilling effect on honest teaching. That we are living in a time when truth itself is treated as a threat should alarm us all. Across the country, school districts are banning books, limiting how race can be discussed, and reframing accurate history as “divisive.” The Bluest Eye by Toni Morrison and All Boys Aren’t Blue by George M. Johnson are just a few of the many works that have been targeted. These aren’t isolated decisions; they are part of a broader effort to control the narrative of America’s past, and we can’t let it happen. While Black history should be taught and celebrated year-round, Black History Month remains a powerful and necessary space to ensure our stories are told truthfully and to push back against policies designed to erase the contributions and sacrifices Black Americans have made. The centennial forces an essential question: What happens if we stop telling these stories? The answer is already visible. When Black history is minimized, inequality becomes easier to justify. When contributions are erased, power appears natural rather than constructed. Remembering Black history, publicly, loudly, and accurately, is not nostalgia. It is a defense against revisionism. It is a refusal to allow the past to be rewritten to serve the present. And finally, Black history must move beyond February. The goal has always been year-round integration, where Black experiences are woven into how we teach literature, science, politics, labor, and culture, rather than reduced to a single month. If the first 100 years were about fighting to be seen, the next 100 must be about refusing to be confined. Black history isn’t a supplement. It’s a foundation, and the future depends on how well we protect it.